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«Upholding the Australian Constitution Volume Seventeen Proceedings of the Seventeenth Conference of The Samuel Griffith Society Greenmount Beach Resort, ...»

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The word “freedom” is derived from an Indo-European root meaning “dear” or “beloved”. 28 I n i t s p r i m o r d i a l s e n s e, t h e n, f r e e d o m i s t h e r i g h t t o b e l o n g t o a community of dearly beloved people, the f a m i l y being the f i r s t and m o s t important model for every such form of association. Every ethnic community is a n e x t e n d e d f a m i l y w i t h a g e n e t i c interest in i t s own survival and enhanced vitality. Just as parents have a duty to care for their children, it might be said that every member of a free people has a m o r a l obligation to defend his own ethny. 29 Unfortunately, over the p a s t half-century, governments t h r o u g h o u t t h e Anglosphere have encouraged us to ignore the genetic interests of our ethnic kin t h r o u g h s y s t e m a t i c c a m p a i g n s of i n d o c t r i n a t i o n and legal coercion. Such policies not only subvert the genetic continuity of the Australian ethny, but they also deprive us of our right to belong to a community of free people inhabiting its own homeland. But perhaps we are our own worst enemies. To the e x t e n t that the Australian people have been willing to squander their genetic interests of t h e i r own ethny by directing scarce t e r r i t o r i a l, c u l t u r a l and economic resources to non-kin, they have been corrupted in a manner and to a degree hardly imaginable to Bolingbroke and his 18 th Century contemporaries. Whether committed by a single individual or an entire race, suicide is a sin.

The problem Bolingbroke identified so long ago has finally come to a head:

w h a t c a n o r s h o u l d t h e r e i g n i n g m o n a r c h d o t o r e s t o r e t h e l o s t freedoms once enshrined in the ancient British constitution? Governments pursuing policies of forced i n t e g r a t i o n in the name of an unachievable ideal of equality have t r a m p l e d upon the freedom of a s s o c i a t i o n a s well a s the r i g h t s of free expression and private property. Having been denied or downplayed for the last three centuries now, the crisis of the ancient constitution has deepened, to t h e point where the very existence of the British people, at home and in the overseas Dominions, is now up for grabs. As a consequence, a Patriot King worthy of the name would recognize a m o r a l obligation to defend to the d e a t h the genetic interests of his own ethny.

I t was once taken for granted t h a t the King would defend his r e a l m personally, by force of a r m s if need be. B u t George II was the l a s t B r i t i s h monarch to lead his armies into battle. Nowadays, the greatest threat to the survival interests of the British peoples comes, not from without, but from our “own” governing classes.

To save his people today, a Patriot K i n g n e e d n o t t a k e u p a r m s ; he could rely i n s t e a d upon the power of reasoned speech to rouse his people to t h e dangers of demographic decline and territorial displacement. At the very least, a patriot prince would defend the genetic interests of the hereditary monarchy itself, a g a i n s t m a n a g e r i a l i s t r e g i m e s bent on extinguishing the s p i r i t of t h e ancient B r i t i s h c o n s t i t u t i o n, n o t j u s t in A u s t r a l i a but t h r o u g h o u t the entire Anglosphere.

Deracinated statism versus the ancient British constitution F o r t h e i r p a r t, c o n s t i t u t i o n a l j u r i s t s c o m m i t t e d t o the preservation of a f r e e society should begin a t once to determine whether and how the ethnic p a t r i o t i s m of the reigning monarch can be reconciled w i t h his role a n d responsibilities w i t h i n the A u s t r a l i a n c o n s t i t u t i o n a l order. Analysis of t h a t issue must begin from the premise that the Queen is not t h e A u s t r a l i a n H e a d o f State – that function is performed by the Governor-General. 30 T h i s p r o p o s i t i o n – a s t a p l e i t e m i n A C M ’ s i n t e l l e c t u a l a r m o u r y – i s sound as far as it goes, but it does rather beg the question of what the Queen actually i s. The best answer is that she is the head of a society, one extending far beyond the t e r r i t o r i a l l i m i t s of any single s t a t e. The m o s t salient f e a t u r e of t h a t society is its overwhelmingly British ethno-cultural character.

Though governments and, today, even the Queen, are loth to a d m i t i t, t h e B r i t i s h m o n a r c h i s t h e de facto and even d e j u r e head of a globe-girdling ethnic community. B u t the ethnic s o l i d a r i t y, much less the c o n s t i t u t i o n a l unity, of t h a t community can never be taken for granted. Certainly, the American Revolution demonstrated that geography, politics and economic interests could fracture the bonds of kinship between closely related British peoples, as did the War for Southern Independence less than a century afterwards.

To those recognizing a continuing allegiance to the British Crown, the King has always portrayed himself as p a r e n s p a t r i a e, t h e f a t h e r o f h i s c o u n t r y. T h a t kinship metaphor is deeply entrenched in the constitutional and legal history of the British Dominions. It implies that the King could be held morally, perhaps even legally, accountable should he f a i l to defend the interests of his ethnic f a m i l y a g a i n s t a clear and present danger. Unfortunately, regal breaches of ethnic loyalty are not at all unknown. Indeed, in her 2004 Christmas broadcast, the Queen celebrated the Third World invasion of the British homeland. Lending her authority to the multi-racialist dogma that “diversity is indeed a strength and not a threat”, Her Majesty took a swipe at those “extremists at home” who posed the only apparent danger to “peaceful and steady progress in our society of differing cultures and heritage”. 31 Clearly, the Queen recognizes no duty of loyalty to her co-ethnics. Why then should the people of the British diaspora retain their historic allegiance to the Crown? One need not share the Queen’s evident a n i m u s t o w a r d s ethnic patriotism (particularly, one suspects, among the English) to recognize that the reigning m o n a r c h s t i l l r e t a i n s t h e f o r m a l c o n s t i t u t i o n a l p o w e r, indeed even a positive d u t y, t o address her subjects t h r o u g h o u t the Commonwealth. On the other hand, sooner or later, the Queen or her heirs and successors will be forced to recognize t h a t t h e f a t e of the h e r e d i t a r y B r i t i s h monarchy is inseparably linked to the ethnic constitution of a particular people. Should the managerial classes succeed in t h e i r relentless c a m p a i g n to detach the B r i t i s h (or t h e A u s t r a l i a n ) s t a t e from the B r i t i s h (or the Anglo-Australian) nation, t h e monarchy is doomed.





I t f o l l o w s t h a t t h e B r i t i s h m o n a r c h m u s t s p e a k n o t j u s t f o r herself b u t also on behalf of her predecessors as well as her heirs and successors. Likewise she must speak not just t o those of her subjects in the here and now; she must also give voice to the needs and interests of the dead and the unborn – “not any dead and unborn: only those who belong” to t h e p a r t i c u l a r, c r o s s - g e n e r a t i o n a l, p r e - p o l i t i c a l c o m m u n i t y c o n s t i t u t i n g t h e B r i t i s h ethny in t h e U n i t e d K i n g d o m and the old white Commonwealth. “Not being elected by popular vote, t h e monarch cannot be understood a s representing the interests of the present generation”. Speaking for absent generations, monarchs “are, in a very real sense, the voice of history”.

There is a s p i r i t u a l dimension to the kingly office t h a t cannot be replicated, much less usurped, by modern governments managing m u n d a n e a n d m a t e r i a l a f f a i r s of s t a t e in p u r s u i t of yet another s h o r t - t e r m electoral mandate. Indeed, it is precisely because the ancestral a u t h o r i t y – l i t e r a l l y, t h e genetic legitimacy – of t h e B r i t i s h Crown transcends the t e m p o r a l powers of government t h a t republicans w a n t t o r i d themselves of i t. They know, if t h e Queen does not, that the fate of the monarchy is bound up with the history and destiny of the British ethny. 32 B u t, so long a s the i n s t i t u t i o n of the B r i t i s h monarchy survives, t h e succession of a Patriot King, or even its widely perceived possibility, could s e t the Australian Republican Movement back on its heels. If Bolingbroke was right, “ a king can, easily to himself and w i t h o u t violence to his people, renew t h e s p i r i t o f l i b e r t y i n t h e i r m i n d s ”. 33 Kings can quicken t h e d e a d l e t t e r of t h e o l d constitution.

To confirm that proposition, one need only imagine how the republicanism debate in A u s t r a l i a would be t r a n s f o r m e d were the Queen, Prince Charles or Prince William to champion the constitutional unity of the British peoples. No doubt any such breach of convention would be met with a firestorm of outrage.

Our p o l i t i c a l class expects the royal f a m i l y to conform to a r i g i d code of personal and political behaviour. B u t, f o r j u s t t h a t r e a s o n, a p a t r i o t p r i n c e w h o refused to remain silent in the face of vital threats to the common interests of the monarchy and his people would demonstrate that freedom of action is open to any citizen with the courage of his convictions.

In seeking to renew the freedoms of the ancient B r i t i s h c o n s t i t u t i o n i n a m o d e r n A u s t r a l i a, a P a t r i o t King would move beyond a sterile and backwardlooking defence of the past. Instead, a patriot prince would inspire a forwardlooking reconstruction of a B r i t i s h, or, more broadly, Anglo-American civilisation. By helping us to recover our historic identity a s a B r i t i s h people, such a prince would i n s p i r e e f f o r t s to establish closer ties w i t h our n a t u r a l allies in the English-speaking world, including the m o s t i m p o r t a n t B r i t i s h derived nation, the USA.

At present, the Queen presides over a Commonwealth that is expanding its membership to the point of a b s u r d i t y. A B r i t i s h Commonwealth t h a t i n c l u d e s Zimbabwe but not the USA will be patently irrelevant to the f u t u r e of AngloA m e r i c a n c i v i l i s a t i o n. O f c o u r s e, t h o s e h o s t i l e t o t h e B r i t i s h ethny d o n ’ t m u c h care. Managerialist republican visions for the future depend on the deliberate devaluation of our B r i t i s h p a s t. A u s t r a l i a ’ s f u t u r e, t h e y believe, lies in A s i a.

Meanwhile, t h e i r self-loathing c o u n t e r p a r t s in the UK look set to submerge themselves in Europe. In both cases, history, politics and culture are to be subordinated to geography and economics.

Like Turkey, which cannot decide whether to join Europe or remain part of I s l a m i c c i v i l i s a t i o n, A u s t r a l i a h a s become a “torn country”, 34 s p l i t a s u n d e r by the deepening division between cosmopolitans and parochials. But, in a curious t w i s t, i t is the cosmopolitan, republican élites who have promoted the m o s t p a r o c h i a l understanding of citizenship, carving up the Anglosphere i n t o sovereign s t a t e s, whose peoples are deemed to be foreigners to each other, despite their common origin in the British diaspora. A Patriot King would help us to see over the walls that governments have erected around us.

Governments have an obvious interest in ensuring t h a t people owe no allegiance to any authority above and beyond their own territorial jurisdictions.

For much of the 20 th Century, state-building took the place of Empire-building, much less nation-building. The appearance of a Patriot King would r e s t o r e t h e t r u e i m a g e of the B r i t i s h Commonwealth a s an a s s o c i a t i o n of free people “united by one common interest and animated by one common spirit”. A patriot prince would no longer a i d and abet the division of the Anglosphere i n t o separate, mutually indifferent and increasingly hollow nationalities. Instead, he would “endeavour to unite them, and to be himself the centre of their union”. 35 I t is not a t all obvious t h a t A u s t r a l i a n s, C a n a d i a n s and New Zealanders have become freer through the systematic obliteration of their common law status as free-born British subjects.

Both the Queen and her most loyal subjects must now bend the knee before s t a t i s t d e f i n i t i o n s o f n a t i o n a l i d e n t i t y. A C M i s always careful to present t h e monarchy a s an A u s t r a l i a n i n s t i t u t i o n. One can, of course, point out t h a t Australia is still British in a formal or at least a residual sense by virtue of its allegiance to the Crown, and that most of its people trace their origins back to t h e U n i t e d K i n g d o m. B u t t h i s c u t s no ice with officialdom, not even w i t h H e r Majesty’s judges in the High Court of Australia. In their newly-minted vision of an auto-legitimating state, the Constitution creates the nation, not the other way round. 36 Given the current ideological climate, one can hardly fault the monarch for remaining silent in the face of endless insulting references to our “foreign” Queen. In fact, the Queen is no more foreign to Australia than the spirit of the ancient British constitution, without which the formal, black-letter text of the Commonwealth of A u s t r a l i a Constitution Act (Imp, 1901) could never have sprung into life. B u t, i f not even the Queen is p r e p a r e d t o d o b a t t l e w i t h t h e enemies of the ancient c o n s t i t u t i o n, s m a l l wonder t h a t ordinary c i t i z e n s sometimes give up the ghost. Indeed, many now feel like strangers in their own l a n d. T o r e s i s t the massed wealth and power of the p o l i t i c a l, economic a n d cultural élites railroading us towards a republic is no easy task. But there can be no doubt that our future as a free people hangs in the balance.

Doubts over our fidelity to the original principles of constitutional liberty became unavoidable once the creation of a n A u s t r a l i a n r e p u b l i c was t o u t e d a s the f i r s t step t o w a r d s full membership in a new regional polity. Under t h e K e a t i n g L a b o r G o v e r n m e n t, i t s e e m e d t h a t A u s t r a l i a w a s ready to defect f r o m the West. Indeed, p o s t m o d e r n i s t republicanism already assumes t h a t t h e constitution of our Asian future will not be a liberal democracy on any European or Anglo-American model. Alastair Davidson, f o r e x a m p l e, a d m i t s f r a n k l y t h a t we may have to jettison a basic premise of Western c o n s t i t u t i o n a l i s m, n a m e l y, the presence of citizens capable of thinking for themselves. Australians, he says, “will have to come to t e r m s w i t h a n i d e a l o f Confucian origin t h a t s a y s t h a t wisdom teaches men and women to f i t i n and t h a t l i f e i s suffering”. Alone in Asia, Australians will have to “accept what Montesquieu called despotism”. 37 The civilising mission of a Patriot King In reality, neither the republic n o r t h e A s i a n i s a t i o n o f A u s t r a l i a is inevitable.

M o r e o v e r, A u s t r a l i a n r e p u b l i c a n r h e t o r i c i s f i x a t e d on an obsolescent model of sovereign statehood and national independence. International politics is in fact no longer d o m i n a t e d by power struggles between independent n a t i o n - s t a t e s exercising sovereign control over t e r r i t o r y, resources and populations. Even the ideological struggles of the Cold War era have given way to deeper c u l t u r a l cleavages between civilisations.

According to Samuel Huntington, A u s t r a l i a s i t s near the intersection of several geopolitical fault lines. Asia is not a homogeneous entity. It is divided between Sinic, Buddhist, Hindu and J a p a n e s e c i v i l i s a t i o n s, n o t t o mention t h e I s l a m i c and Orthodox countries also to be found there. The “ s t r a n g e m u l t i p l i c i t y ” of Asia offers new opportunities for t r a d e, commerce a n d intercourse, but it also poses a perennial danger to Anglo-Australian civilisation.



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